Eviction Moratorium Well Intentioned; Bad Policy
This week’s Courier Herald column:
It is important to always strive to do the right thing. When government is involved, it’s even more important to do the right things the right way.
Last week the Centers For Disease Control issued a nationwide moratorium on evictions due to the Coronavirus pandemic. It differs from a now expired eviction moratorium in the CARES act in that it does not limit its moratorium to landlords using federal programs to finance their property.
Under the CARES act, landlords were granted forbearance – the ability to delay and defer mortgage payments – if they were facing hardship in their ability to repay their federally backed mortgage. As such, the landlords were granted relief somewhat commensurate with their tenants, though they were ultimately still on the hook for the same amount of mortgage debt.
The CDC order presents additional hazards as we slide down a slippery slope. The properties in question don’t have to have any federal loans on the property, or any loans at all.
We should not lack sympathy for those affected by the pandemic while facing eviction. If the federal government wishes to intervene here, the proper way to do that would be to directly compensate landlords for quartering tenants on their behalf.
Instead, we have a direct attack on and the erosion of private property rights – the main source of household wealth for the American middle class. It’s troublesome that an administrative agency can cite congressionally mandated emergency powers to effectively take away the rights of a property owner in order to indefinitely transfer that right to another.
I’m going to sidestep the constitutionality of this federal taking, as that’s one the lawyers will likely ultimately solve. We still should not enable or condone a system where the collective good intentions to help some strips rights away from others.
Instead, I’m going to use this space to emphasize the longer term market consequences of this action. Housing advocates have long decried the lack of available affordable housing for the working poor. This short term action aimed at helping these same people will just exacerbate the supply problem over the longer term.
As someone who has sold more than a few homes, I’ve always emphasized that a backup plan if the buyers need to move during a down market is that “you can always rent it out if you need”. The ability to rent out one’s house if needed is one reason housing has traditionally been considered a “low risk” investment. It’s also one of the easiest ways for working class Americans to accumulate wealth over our lifetimes.
Landlords affected by the CDC’s moratorium that weren’t affected by the earlier CARES Act order are generally going to be those without debt on their property. Instead, they’re more likely to be older Americans that are living off of rental payments as part of their fixed income. They’re less likely to be corporate managed agencies that have strict credit qualifications for renting, and more likely to have a soft spot for someone that might have been down on their luck once but needs a second chance.
Going forward, every landlord is going to have to look at a prospective tenant and ask, “Can I afford to have this person in my house if they can’t pay the rent and the government won’t allow me to ask them to leave?”. That’s the reality of the situation we’re creating.
It’s not about narratives of sympathetic renters or greedy property owners. It’s about changing the amount of risk the landlord is being asked to carry in future rental contracts.
When the risk increases, so does the price. Some will choose not to rent; others will charge more. Either way, we can expect the supply of rental properties to come down, and the cost of those available to go up.
This is going to happen because the government decided to help. More specifically, it will be because the government decided to do the right thing the wrong way, to the detriment of current landlords and future renters.
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I’ve had a lot of thoughts about this policy as well. As a starting point, I think it’s obvious that this method (administrative action via CDC) was not as preferable as Congressional action, which would have required bipartisan and White House support. Since the Pres. had stated he supported eviction relief, I’m still not sure if the legislative route was nixed just so that it looked like strong executive action, and made Dems look like they couldn’t get the legislative act together.
Such skepticism aside, perhaps the CDC was used precisely because it would have universal effect, regardless of loan status or otherwise. It was a cover-all.
On the other hand, I had a clear policy preference for, wherever possible, shifting the risk to the banks, who are best able to manage the risk, and then delivering assistance there as needed. In essence, if you skip mortgage payments, what is ultimately foregone is the interest income accrued by owners. In many or most cases, the bank is the owner of that interest. So the ultimate costs of assistance through interest subsidies is much lower. I believe Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac loans, owners are still getting such foreclosure relief. But where there is no loan, as you say then, there would be need for more direct relief to owners. But where all banks would be required to allow skipped payments (not addressing the political position of banks), that would give relief to both indebted landlords and tenants simultaneously, and come at a much lesser cost. Heck, maybe renters could even cover the interest-only cost. And it would reduce the onus on indebted landlords. Regardless, such a policy would have required more thoughtfulness as well as legislative action.
I also agree that there will be long-term consequences on rental pricing, but hopefully that may stabilize over a year or so, depending on the state of public health and economy. Structural shifts in employment (teleworking) and tourism, for example, could also lead to small gluts in stock available for rehab/repurposing.
“Going forward, every landlord is going to have to look at a prospective tenant and ask, “Can I afford to have this person in my house if they can’t pay the rent and the government won’t allow me to ask them to leave?”. That’s the reality of the situation we’re creating.”
Landords already do this. They run credit checks, etc.
But I guess your editorial calls for folks to be out the street if they cannot pay. What if they were a waitess and have not been able to work for 3 months? I guess throw them out on the street and let the strongest survive.
Then you can write an editorial about all the homeless folks ruining your evening out.
Nice point. My take is that we as a society have been subdivided and sliced up into so many specialized interest groups. This was done by those who personally benefit from having a divided populace. At the same time, we have also lost our sense of “We the People”, and with that loss is the loss of empathy for the citizens who we don’t directly relate to.
Just guessing here, but in my parent’s youth, I would have assumed that everybody recognized that our country was in a unique situation and that if everybody pulled together, we would survive. Thinking the 1930’s here, when the country was flat on its back. Yes, there were cruel bankers, but they were the ones who got the attention. Nothing said about countless others who showed grace. For example, when Rich’s Department Store responded with kindness after a failed peach crop one year.
I didn’t read the article to say we should be allowing homelessness- the proposed policy solution was to give landlords direct payments to cover tenants’ rent. I think that policy approach would address a number of concerns, including ending evictions. In fact, it would end even the possibility of evictions for unpaid rent, while a moratorium on evictions where the rent just gets backlogged and allows for evictions in December, say, when the total rent due is six months of rent. I still believe in shifting risks to the banks where possible, and even mandating, rather than suggesting, certain repayment plans for back-due rent where needed.
On the idea of shared sacrifice, I wish it so as well. And while every voluntary/charitable/community-based act of empathy and kindness is forever welcome, it is exceptionally difficult to do across whole markets. I was impressed with the widespread payment forgiveness policies within credit card and insurance companies, for example, although they were very varied, and only lasted a few months it seems. For God’s sake, we have to have anti-price gauging laws because some would be opportunistic consumers of public distress. Similarly, it’s just not easy for banks or other traditional corporations to forego revenue (even Payment Protection Plan revenue) when there is sufficient savings or income to weather episodes of public distress. But when you have politicization of even basic notions of sacrifice, calling for sacrifice is politically untenable. Which Republicans can survive re-election if they call for, and mandate, the simple sacrifice of putting on a mask? Which subsidy or relief payment program will be branded socialism in a primary challenge from the right? This make me think that while the first step of sacrifice, as with so much else, might be to just acknowledging the problem, present politicization requires the first step of sacrifice to be to throw out politicization.